


































| Name | Mandarin |
|---|---|
| Nativename | 官話/官话 ''Guānhuà'' |
| Familycolor | Sino-Tibetan |
| Region | Most of northern and southwestern China(see also Standard Chinese) |
| Speakers | Native: 845 millionOverall: 1,365,053,177 |
| Fam2 | Sinitic |
| Fam3 | Chinese |
| Dia1 | Northeastern |
| Dia2 | Beijing |
| Dia3 | Ji-Lu |
| Dia4 | Jiao-Liao |
| Dia5 | Lower Yangtze |
| Dia6 | Central Plains |
| Dia7 | Lan-Yin |
| Dia8 | Southwestern |
| Dia9 | Jin (disputed) |
| Map | Mandarin and Jin in China.png |
| Mapcaption | Mandarin area, with disputed Jin group in light green |
| Imagecaption | Guānhuà (''Mandarin'') written in Chinese characters |
| Iso1 | zh |iso2b chi |iso2t zho |iso3 cmn |lingua 79-AAA-b |
| Notice | IPA }} |
When the Mandarin group is taken as one language, as is often done in academic literature, it has more native speakers (nearly a billion) than does any other language. For most of Chinese history, the capital has been within the Mandarin area, making these dialects very influential. Mandarin dialects, particularly the Beijing dialect, form the basis of Standard Chinese, which is also known as "Mandarin".
In everyday English, "Mandarin" refers to Standard Chinese, which is often called simply "Chinese". Standard Chinese is based on the particular Mandarin dialect spoken in Beijing, with some lexical and syntactic influence from other Mandarin dialects. It is the official spoken language of the People's Republic of China (PRC), the official language of the Republic of China (R.O.C./Taiwan), and one of the four official languages of Singapore. It also functions as the language of instruction in the PRC and in Taiwan. It is one of the six official languages of the United Nations, under the name "Chinese". Chinese speakers refer to the modern standard language as ''Pǔtōnghuà'' (on the mainland), ''Guóyǔ'' (in Taiwan) or ''Huáyǔ'' (in Singapore), but not as ''Guānhuà''.
This article uses the term "Mandarin" in the sense used by linguists, referring to the diverse group of Mandarin dialects spoken in northern and southwestern China, which Chinese linguists call ''Guānhuà''. The alternative term ''Běifānghuà'' (), or "Northern dialect(s)", is used less and less among Chinese linguists. By extension, the term "Old Mandarin" is used by linguists to refer to the northern dialects recorded in materials from the Yuan dynasty.
Native speakers who are not academic linguists may not recognize that the variants they speak are classified in linguistics as members of "Mandarin" (or so-called "Northern dialects") in a broader sense. Within Chinese social or cultural discourse, there is not a common "Mandarin" identity based on language; rather, there are strong regional identities centred on individual dialects because of the wide geographical distribution and cultural diversity of their speakers. Speakers of forms of Mandarin other than the standard typically refer to the variety they speak by a geographic name—for example Sichuan dialect, Hebei dialect or Northeastern dialect, all being regarded as distinct from the "Standard Chinese" (''Putonghua'').
As with all other varieties of the Chinese language, there is significant dispute as to whether Mandarin is a language or a dialect. See Varieties of Chinese for more on this issue.
After the fall of the Northern Song dynasty, northern China was under the control of the Jin (Jurchen) and Yuan (Mongol) dynasties. During this period, a new common speech developed, based on the dialects of the North China Plain around the capital, a language referred to as Old Mandarin. New genres of vernacular literature were based on this language, including verse, drama and story forms.
The rhyming conventions of the new verse were codified in a rhyme dictionary called the ''Zhongyuan Yinyun'' (1324). A radical departure from the rhyme table tradition that had evolved over the previous centuries, this dictionary contains a wealth of information on the phonology of Old Mandarin. Further sources are the 'Phags-pa script based on the Tibetan alphabet, which was used to write several of the languages of the Mongol empire, including Chinese, and the ''Menggu Ziyun'', a rhyme dictionary based on 'Phags-pa. The rhyme books differ in some details, but overall show many of the features characteristic of modern Mandarin dialects, such as the reduction and disappearance of final stop consonants and the reorganization of the Middle Chinese tones.
The ''Zhongyuan Yinyun'' shows the typical Mandarin four-tone system resulting from a split of the "even" tone and loss of the entering tone, with its syllables distributed across the other tones (though their different origin is marked in the dictionary). Similarly, voiced stops and affricates have become voiceless aspirates in the "even" tone and voiceless non-aspirates in others, another distinctive Mandarin development. However, the language still retained a final ''-m'', which has merged with ''-n'' in modern dialects, and initial voiced fricatives. It also retained the distinction between velars and alveolar sibilants in palatal environments, which later merged in most Mandarin dialects to yield a palatal series (rendered ''j-'', ''q-'' and ''x-'' in pinyin).
The literary language was less appropriate for recording materials that were meant to be reproduced in oral presentations, materials such as plays and grist for the professional story-teller's mill. From at least the Yuan dynasty, plays that recounted the subversive tales of China's Robin Hoods to the Ming dynasty novels such as ''Water Margin'', on down to the Qing dynasty novel ''Dream of the Red Chamber'' and beyond, there developed a literature in written vernacular Chinese (白話/白话; ''báihuà''). In many cases, this written language reflected Mandarin varieties, and since pronunciation differences were not conveyed in this written form, this tradition had a unifying force across all the Mandarin-speaking regions and beyond.
Hu Shih, a pivotal figure of the first half of the twentieth century, wrote an influential and perceptive study of this literary tradition, entitled ''Báihuà Wénxuéshǐ'' (A History of Vernacular Literature).
Until the mid-20th century, most Chinese people living in southern China spoke only their local language. As a practical measure, officials of the Ming and Qing dynasties carried out the administration of the empire using a common language based on Mandarin varieties, known as ''Guānhuà''. Knowledge of this language was thus essential for an official career, but it was never formally defined.
Officials varied widely in their pronunciation; in 1728, the Yongzheng emperor, unable to understand the accents of officials from Guangdong and Fujian, issued a decree requiring the governors of those provinces to provide for the teaching of proper pronunciation. Although the resulting Academies for Correct Pronunciation (正音書院, ''Zhèngyīn Shūyuàn'') were short-lived, the decree did spawn a number of textbooks that give some insight into the ideal pronunciation. Common features included:
As the last two of these features indicate, this language was a koiné based on dialects spoken in the Nanjing area, though not identical to any single dialect. This form remained prestigious long after the capital moved to Beijing in 1421, though the speech of the new capital emerged as a rival standard. As late as 1815, Robert Morrison based the first English-Chinese dictionary on this koiné as the standard of the time, though he conceded that the Beijing dialect was gaining in influence. By the middle of the 19th century, the Beijing dialect had become dominant and was essential for any business with the imperial court.
In the early years of the Republic of China, intellectuals of the New Culture Movement, such as Hu Shih and Chen Duxiu, successfully campaigned for the replacement of Literary Chinese as the written standard by written vernacular Chinese, which was based on northern dialects. A parallel priority was the definition of a standard national language (; ; , pinyin: Guóyǔ). After much dispute between proponents of northern and southern dialects and an abortive attempt at an artificial pronunciation, the National Language Unification Commission finally settled on the Beijing dialect in 1932. The People's Republic founded in 1949 retained this standard, calling it ''pǔtōnghuà'' (; ; literally "common speech").
The national language is now used in education, the media, and formal situations in both the PRC and the R.O.C. (but not in Hong Kong and Macau). This standard can now be spoken intelligibly by most younger people in Mainland China and Taiwan, with various regional accents. In Hong Kong and Macau, because of their colonial and linguistic history, the language of education, the media, formal speech and everyday life remains the local Cantonese, although the standard language is now very influential. In Mandarin-speaking areas such as Sichuan, the local dialect is the mother tongue of most of the population. The era of mass education in Standard Chinese has not erased these regional differences, and people may be either diglossic or speak the standard language with a notable accent.
From an official point of view, the PRC government and R.O.C. government maintain their own forms of the standard under different names. Technically, both ''Pǔtōnghuà'' and ''Guóyǔ'' base their phonology on the Beijing accent, though ''Pǔtōnghuà'' also takes some elements from other sources. Comparison of dictionaries produced in the two areas will show that there are few substantial differences. However, both versions of "school-standard" Chinese are often quite different from the Mandarin dialects that are spoken in accordance with regional habits, and neither is wholly identical to the Beijing dialect. ''Pǔtōnghuà'' and ''Guóyǔ'' also have some differences from the Beijing dialect in vocabulary, grammar, and pragmatics.
The written forms of Standard Chinese are also essentially equivalent, although simplified characters are used in Mainland China while people in Taiwan, Macao and Hong Kong generally use traditional characters.
Most Han Chinese living in northern and south-western China are native speakers of a dialect of Mandarin. The North China Plain provided few barriers to migration, leading to relative linguistic homogeneity over a wide area in northern China. In contrast, the mountains and rivers of southern China have spawned the other six major groups of Chinese dialects, with great internal diversity, particularly in Fujian.
However, the varieties of Mandarin cover a huge area containing nearly a billion people. As a result, there are pronounced regional variations in pronunciation, vocabulary, and grammar.
Most of northeastern China, except for Liaoning, did not receive significant settlements by Han Chinese until the 18th century, and as a result the Northeastern Mandarin dialects spoken there differ little from Beijing Mandarin. The Manchu people of the area now speak these dialects exclusively. The frontier areas of Northwest and Southwest China were colonized by speakers of Mandarin dialects at the same time, and the dialects in those areas similarly closely resemble their relatives in the core Mandarin area. However, long-established cities even very close to Beijing, such as Tianjin, Baoding, Shenyang, and Dalian, have markedly different dialects.
Unlike their compatriots on the south-east coast, few speakers of Mandarin dialects emigrated from China until the late 20th century, but there are now significant communities of them in cities across the world.
The linguist Li Rong proposed that the Jin dialects of Shanxi and neighbouring areas constitute a separate group at the same level as Mandarin, and used this classification in the ''Language Atlas of China'' (1987). Li distinguishes these dialects based on their retention of the Middle Chinese entering tone (stop-final) category (also preserved by Jiang-Huai dialects) and other features. Many other linguists continue to treat these dialects as a subgroup of Mandarin.
The ''Language Atlas of China'' divides the remaining Mandarin dialects into eight subgroups, distinguished by their treatment of the Middle Chinese entering tone (see Tones below):
Syllables consist maximally of an initial consonant, a glide, a vowel, a final, and tone. Not every syllable that is possible according to this rule actually exists in Mandarin, as there are rules prohibiting certain phonemes from appearing with others, and in practice there are only a few hundred distinct syllables.
Phonological features that are generally shared by the Mandarin dialects include:
{|class="wikitable" style="text-align: center" |- ! ! colspan="2" | Bilabial ! colspan="2" | Labio-dental ! colspan="2" | Alveolar ! colspan="2" | Retroflex ! colspan="2" | Alveolo-palatal ! colspan="2" | Velar ! colspan="2" | Glottal |- ! Plosives | | | colspan="2" | | | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | | | colspan="2" | () |- ! Nasals | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | () | colspan="2" | |- ! Fricatives | colspan="2" | | | () | colspan="2" | | | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | |- ! Affricates | colspan="2" | | () | () | | | | | | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | |- ! Approximant | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | | colspan="2" | |}
The retroflex initials are missing in many dialects of Manchuria and southern China, where they are replaced by the alveolar sibilants . (''zhi'' becomes ''zi'', ''chi'' becomes ''ci'', ''shi'' becomes ''si'', and ''ri'' or may sound like .) This is also common in the Mandarin spoken in Taiwan. Most other Mandarin-speaking areas do distinguish between the retroflex and alveolar sibilants, but they are often in different distribution than in standard Mandarin.
The alveolo-palatal sibilants are the result of merger between the historical palatalized velars and palatalized alveolar sibilants . In about 20% of dialects, the alveolar sibilants failed to palatalize, remaining separate from the alveolo-palatal initials. (The unique pronunciation used in Beijing opera falls into this category.) On the other side, in some dialects of eastern Shandong, the velar initials have failed to palatalize.
Many southwestern Mandarin dialects mix ''f-'' and ''hu-'' , substituting one for the other in some or all cases. For example, ''fei'' "to fly" and ''hui'' "dust" may be merged in these areas.
In some dialects, initial and are not distinguished. In Southwestern Mandarin, these sounds usually merge to ; in Jianghuai Mandarin, they usually merge to .
People in many Mandarin-speaking areas may use different initial sounds where Beijing uses initial ''r-'' . Common variants include ''y-'', ''l-'', ''n-'', and ''w-'' .
, and , used as initials in earlier forms of Chinese, have merged with the zero initial in most dialects of Mandarin.
Many dialects of Northwestern and Central Plains Mandarin have where Beijing has . Thus, "pig" for Standard , "water" for Standard , "soft" for Standard , and so forth.
| Meaning !!colspan=2 | Standard(Beijing) !!rowspan=2| Jinan(Ji Lu)!!rowspan=2| Xi'an(Zhongyuan)!!rowspan=2| Chengdu(Southwestern)!!rowspan=2| Yangzhou(Jianghuai) | ||||||
| !Pinyin!!IPA | |||||||
| 課 | lesson| | ''kè'' | |||||
| 客 | guest| | ||||||
| 果 | fruit| | ''guǒ'' | |||||
| 國 | country| | ''guó'' |
The medial ''-u-'' , occurring with an alveolar consonant, is often lost in southwestern Mandarin. Hence we get ''dei'' "right" where standard Mandarin has ''dui'' , ''ten'' "swallow" where the standard has ''tun'' .
Southwestern Mandarin have ''gai kai hai'' in a few (not all) words where the standard has ''jie qie xie'' . This is a stereotypical feature of southwestern Mandarin, since it is so easily noticeable. E.g. ''hai'' "shoe" for standard ''xie'', ''gai'' "street" for standard ''jie''.
In some areas (especially southwestern) final ''-ng'' changes into ''-n'' . This is especially prevalent in the rhyme pairs ''-en/-eng'' and ''-in/-ing'' . As a result, ''jīn'' "gold" and ''jīng'' "capital" merge in those dialects.
R-coloring, a characteristic feature of Mandarin, works quite differently in the southwest. Whereas Beijing dialect generally removes only a final or when adding the rhotic final ''-r'' , in the southwest the ''-r'' replaces the nearly the entire rhyme.
In most Mandarin dialects, syllables that ended in a stop consonant in Middle Chinese (i.e. /p/, /t/ or /k/), which formerly had no tone to speak of, have lost that consonant entirely and have been assigned one of the four tones. The way that tones were assigned differs from dialect to dialect and depends on the initial consonant. Note in particular that, in the Beijing dialect that underlies Standard Mandarin, syllables beginning with originally unvoiced consonants were redistributed across the four tones in a completely random pattern. For example, the three characters 积脊迹, all pronounced in Middle Chinese (William H. Baxter's reconstruction), are now pronounced ''jī jǐ jì'', with tones 1 3 4 respectively. Older dictionaries such as ''Mathews' Chinese–English Dictionary'' mark characters whose pronunciation formerly ended with a stop with a superscript 5; however, this tone number is more commonly used for syllables that always have a neutral tone (see below).
In Jianghuai dialects, a minority of Southwestern dialects (e.g. Minjiang) and Jin (sometimes considered non-Mandarin), former final stops were not deleted entirely, but were reduced to a glottal stop . This is in common with the non-Mandarin Wu dialects, and is thought to represent the pronunciation of Old Mandarin.
Tone distribution variation:
V- = obstruent unvoiced initial consonant L = sonorant voiced initial consonant V+ = obstruent voiced initial consonant
| + Reflexes of Middle Chinese tones in Mandarin dialects | ||||||||||||
| colspan=2 | ||||||||||||
| V- | L | V+ | V- | L | V+ | V- | L | V+ | V- | L | V+ | |
| Beijing | redistributed with no pattern | |||||||||||
| Northeastern | mostly 3; otherwise, redistributed with no pattern | |||||||||||
| Ji-Lu | 1 | |||||||||||
| Jiao-Liao | 3 | |||||||||||
| Zhongyuan | ||||||||||||
| Lan-Yin | ||||||||||||
| Southwestern (most places) | ||||||||||||
| Jianghuai |
Tone contour variation:
| + Phonetic realization of Mandarin tones in principal dialects | ||||||
| 1 (Yin Ping) | 2 (Yang Ping) | 3 (Shang) | 4 (Qu) | marked withglottal stop (Ru) | ||
| Beijing | Beijing | (55) | (35) | (214) | (51) | |
| Northeastern | Harbin | (44) | (24) | (213) | (52) | |
| Tianjin | (21) | (35) | (113) | (53) | ||
| Shijiazhuang | (23) | (53) | (55) | (31) | ||
| Jiao-Liao | Yantai | (31) | ( (55)) | (214) | (55) | |
| Zhengzhou | (24) | (42) | (53) | (312) | ||
| Luoyang | (34) | (42) | (54) | (31) | ||
| Xi'an | (21) | (24) | (53) | (44) | ||
| Tianshui | (53) | (24) | ||||
| Lanzhou | (31) | (53) | (33) | (24) | ||
| Yinchuan | (44) | (13) | ||||
| Chengdu | (44) | (21) | (53) | (213) | ||
| Xichang | (33) | (52) | (45) | (213) | (31) | |
| Kunming | (44) | (31) | (53) | (212) | ||
| Wuhan | (55) | (213) | (42) | (35) | ||
| Liuzhou | (44) | (31) | (53) | (24) | ||
| Yangzhou | (31) | (35) | (42) | (55) | (5) | |
| Nantong | (21) | (35) | (55) | (42), (213)* | (4), (5)* |
Chinese varieties of all periods have traditionally been considered prime examples of analytic languages, relying on word order and particles instead of inflection or affixes to provide grammatical information such as person, number, tense, mood, or case. Although modern varieties, including the Mandarin dialects, use a small number of particles in a similar fashion to suffixes, they are still strongly analytic.
The basic word order of subject–verb–object is common across Chinese dialects, but there are variations in the order of the two objects of ditransitive sentences. In northern dialects the indirect object precedes the direct object (as in English), for example in the Standard Chinese sentence
{| style="border: 1px solid darkgray; text-align: center;" | 我 || 给 || 你 || 一本 || 书 。 |- | ''wǒ'' || ''gěi'' || ''nǐ'' || ''yìběn'' || ''shū''. |- | I || give || you || a || book. |}In southern dialects, as well as many southwestern and Jiang-Huai dialects, the objects occur in the reverse order.
Most varieties of Chinese use post-verbal particles to indicate aspect, but the particles used vary. Most Mandarin dialects use the particle ''-le'' (了) to indicate the perfective aspect and ''-zhe'' (著/着) for the progressive aspect. Other Chinese varieties tend to use different particles, e.g. Cantonese ''jo2'' 咗 and ''gan2'' 緊/紧 respectively. The experiential aspect particle ''-guo'' (過/过) is used more widely, except in Southern Min.
The subordinative particle ''de'' (的) is characteristic of Mandarin dialects. Some southern dialects, and a few Jiang-Huai dialects, preserve an older pattern of subordination without a marking particle, while in others a classifier fulfils the role of the Mandarin particle.
Especially in conversational Chinese, sentence-final particles alter the inherent meaning of a sentence. Like much vocabulary, particles can vary a great deal with regards to the locale. For example, the particle ''ma'' (嘛), which is used in most northern dialects to denote obviousness or contention, is replaced by ''yo'' (哟) in southern usage.
The singular pronouns in Mandarin are ''wǒ'' (我) "I", ''nǐ'' (你/妳) "you", ''nín'' (您) "you (formal)", and ''tā'' (他/她/它) "he/she/it", with ''-men'' (們/们) added for the plural. Further, there is a distinction between the plural first-person pronoun ''zánmen'' (咱們/咱们), which is inclusive of the listener, and ''wǒmen'' (我們/我们), which may be exclusive of the listener. Dialects of Mandarin agree with each other quite consistently on these pronouns. While the first and second person singular pronouns are cognate with forms in other varieties of Chinese, the rest of the pronominal system is a Mandarin innovation (e.g., Shanghainese has 侬/儂 ''non'' "you" and 伊 ''yi'' "he/she").
Because of contact with Mongolian and Manchurian peoples, Mandarin (especially the Northeastern varieties) has some loanwords from these languages not present in other varieties of Chinese, such as ''hútòng'' (胡同) "alley". Southern Chinese varieties have borrowed from Tai, Austro-Asiatic, and Austronesian languages.
In general, the greatest variation occurs in slang, in kinship terms, in names for common crops and domesticated beasts, for common verbs and adjectives, and other such everyday terms. The least variation occurs in "formal" vocabulary—terms dealing with science, law, or government.
;Works cited
Category:Chinese dialects Category:Chinese languages in Singapore Category:Languages of China Category:Languages of Hong Kong Category:Languages of Macau Category:Languages of Russia Category:Languages of Taiwan Category:SVO languages
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